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Wednesday 7 November 2012

Progressive Era in the Period of American History

This was after all the extremity of Andrew Carnegie's declaration of the Gospel of Wealth and his well-documented embrace of Social Darwinism, each(prenominal) of which provided popular explanation of why and how the industrial giants nationalized industry and acquired big wealth. The views of John D. Rockefeller, who built the Standard Oil Company, were also real much in line with Darwinism. As he told his sunlight School class:

The bearth of a large commerce is solely a survival of the fittest . . . The American Beauty rosiness can be produced in the splendor and fragrance which let cheer to its beholder only by sacrificing the early buds which grow around it. This is not an evil tendency in business. It is merely the working-out of a law of nature and a law of God.

Darwinism, indeed, appears to have fostered the intellectual climate of the age in both the U.S. and in Britain, where in 1859 naturalist Charles Darwin published The Origin of Species and in 1871 The furrow of Man. The Origin of Species developed ideas about natural science and the savage kingdom that had been circulating for a number of eld, but Darwin's expectant formal plausibility to the theory of evolution jolted centuries-old tenets of biology. The line of products of Man added that same plausibility to the a theory of biological evolution of man. As Loewenberg explains, Darwinism posited two primary tenets, that all living "developed from preexisting life. . . . Plants and animals, despit


Populism's febrile view of the evils of the railroads and of the city points to nostalgia for rural simplicity rather than science of the inevitability of industrial progress or indeed crystalize of the urban squalor implied by industrial capitalism. Another difficulty of equating Progressivism with populism is that the latter contained sharp strands of racism, which could surface as anti-immigrant, anti-Negro, or antisemitic attitudes that were sh atomic number 18d by their political opponents of the upper class. In that meet Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, who was no populist and who in 1896 proposed such a literacy test for the newer immigrants, by no means concealed a racist xenophobia:

The strides the firm of Rockefeller . . .
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were attributed for three or four years mainly to his extraordinary capacity for bargaining and borrowing. Then its mind competitors began to suspect something. John Rockefeller baron get his oil colour cheaper right off and then, they said, but he could not do it often. He might have an unusual mechanical and practical genius in his partner. But these things could not explain all. They believed they bought, on the whole, al around as cheaply as he, and they knew they made as good oil and with as great, or nearly as great economy. . . . Where was his good? There was but one place where it could be, and that was his transportation. He essential be getting better rates from the railroads than they were.

inspired by a set of fools and black-mailers. When I want to buy up any politician I always find the anti-monopolists the most purchasable--they don't come so high.

Norris, Frank. The Octopus. New York: Doubleday, 1901.

We meet in the thick of a nation brought to the verge of moral, political, and material ruin. Corruption . . . touches veritable(a) the ermine of the beach. . . . The newspapers are largely subsidized or muzzled, popular opinion silenced, business prostrated, homes covered with mortgages, labor impoverished, and . . . urban workmen are denied the ri
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